It has been
just over a week since the 68 day hunger strike of Kurdish political prisoners
in Turkey and North Kurdistan ended following an appeal by the
imprisoned Kurdish leader Abdullah Öcalan. Since that day everybody concerned
with the hunger strike, Turkey ,
Kurdistan and the region has been debating the
gains and losses and possible future developments regarding the Kurdish issue.
Most of the debates have been centred and in some ways suffocated around the
fact that the hunger strikers’ demands were not met, except a minor change in
the constitution which allows for defence in the Kurdish language; although
this right can be arbitrarily refused if the judge in court sees fit. The
demands were: the right to education in the Kurdish language and for steps to
be taken to end the isolation of Abdullah Öcalan and guarantee his health,
security and eventual release for a peaceful and political solution to the
Kurdish question. So, if the hunger strike did not achieve what it had
targeted, why did Abdullah Öcalan call for it to end and why did the hunger
strikers, numbering thousands inside and outside prisons, heed his call? The
answer to this is where the internal dialectic and struggle methods of the
Kurdish movement are hidden and it is why most people including their enemies
do not comprehend it.
The most
important trait of the modern Kurdish Freedom Movement which began as the
Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK) but has now spread to include it, as well as the
Kurdistan Communities Union (KCK), the legal Peace & Democracy Party (BDP),
and countless other organisations around the world, is its self-sufficiency,
ability to determine the political agenda, and the importance it bestows on
organising and developing its internal structure among the people. Every single
action taken by the organisations listed above is first and foremost aimed at raising
awareness and consciousness among the Kurdish people in Kurdistan
and around the world. One cannot highlight this enough, and viewing the hunger
strike in this light will make it more comprehensible. In this sense the hunger
strike was an appeal to the Kurdish people and all democratic circles in Turkey and
around the world to lay claim to the demands of the hunger strikers and come
out onto the streets to show the government that these were also their demands
also. Thus the ensuing meetings, demonstrations, marches, squirmishes with
state forces, diplomacy and media coverage have politicized further and given
the Kurdish people the necessary organisation and impetus to keep the struggle
going for at least another few years, a time-period that is, according to the
Kurdish movement, crucial for the freedom of the Kurds in the Middle East.
If we
evaluate the hunger strike from a temporal and contextual perspective we can
say that it came at a time when the Middle East has become a hot-bed of
activity, especially in North and Western Kurdistan .
This is a time which the Kurdish movement has determined as being the final
stretch of the walk to freedom and a political status in Turkish and Syrian
occupied Kurdish areas, which are inextricably linked together due to Turkey ’s involvement in Syria . For the
first time since Öcalan’s capture in 1999 the summer months had seen an unprecedented
escalation in warfare between the PKK’s military wing the Peoples’ Defence
Forces (HPG) and the Turkish army. The PKK said they were changing their
strategy from ‘hit and run’ to ‘hit and stay,’ and the media black out enforced
by the AKP government during the summer months (it now continues regarding Turkey ’s involvement in Syria ) seemed
to reinforce the PKK’s claims that they were in control of large areas of the
Kurdish south-east. This gave the Kurdish movement the psychological and
political advantage over the AKP but it was not enough to lift the isolation on
Öcalan and make the Turkish state and AKP government change their tone and come
back to the negotiation table which had been set up in Oslo, but knocked down
in 2011 by PM Tayyip Erdoğan, who did not accept the protocols drawn up by
Öcalan for a political and peaceful solution to the Kurdish question.
As the
winter months neared the initiative passed from the mountains to the cities and
legal political sphere. However the ‘KCK arrests’ which began in 2009 and which
have until now led to the imprisonment without trial of almost 10,000
Kurdish/BDP MPs, mayors, executives, women’s rights activists, journalists and
most of Öcalan’s lawyers had blocked and marginalized the political legal
sphere. The AKP government were also doing their best to exclude the BDP as Turkish
PM Erdoğan was continuously stating that they were not legitimate
interlocutors. It was in this military and political deadlock climate that the
hunger strike came onto the agenda, and it was only logical from the
perspective of the Kurdish movement that those imprisoned should begin; as had
happened in 1982 when the leading cadres of the PKK had gone on hunger strike
against the policies of the September 12th 1980 military coup. It is
this act of resistance which is seen as ‘giving birth’ to the modern Kurdish
Freedom Movement and resurrecting the Kurdish people. In fact hunger strikes
had begun in April and May 2012 in prisons and in Europe even before an
escalation to the war, but due to lack of organisation and possible internal
disagreements, the hunger strike in prisons had ended soon after starting,
whereas the hunger strike of 15 people in Strasbourg
lasted 52 days. However this action did not receive any international media
coverage nor was it very effective in Turkey
and Kurdistan in terms of highlighting the
demands of the hunger strikers. It is also important to note that cadres of the
Kurdish movement, regardless of where they are, always make it their top
priority to remain active within the struggle to prove to their oppressors that
they cannot be suppressed. In this sense although it was not one of the
demands, a cry for freedom was also one of the messages sent out by the hunger
strikers who on a large scale have not even been sentenced yet.
Although I
have gone into detail regarding the political context of the hunger strike I
think it will make the following points clearer and more understandable.
Firstly, due to the hunger strike the Kurdish movement has emphasised once
again and this time also to international public opinion, the importance of
Kurdish leader Abdullah Öcalan to the peace process. Although his isolation has
not been lifted and only his family members are being allowed to visit him, it
is evident that state organisations and representatives have met with him
recently. Despite not knowing what has been discussed we can surmise that
Öcalan is back in the frame and in a stronger position than before. For a week
leading Turkish newspapers, journalists and think tanks have been discussing
openly Öcalan’s importance as a political player. Some are calling Öcalan the
most important politician after PM Erdoğan. Furthermore Öcalan’s intervention
to end the hunger strike has also ended the silence of international media
regarding his isolation and prison conditions. A rise in Öcalan’s profile will
mean that opening the path to peace in the international arena will be easier.
Nelson Mandela’s journey to peace is a good example for this. Moreover the
Turkish people, who are the majority and who are the key for a
peaceful-political solution have seen once again the importance of Öcalan as a
bridge between them and Kurdish people; they will have seen that it is Öcalan’s
stance which will bring about a peace in which Turkey is not divided. For some the
foregrounding of Öcalan is a contentious matter and they believe his position
is exaggerated, but after the hunger strike I think there can be no further
arguments about his importance, as now the legal political sphere (BDP and
democracy forces) have also openly declared him their leader.
The crystallization
of the demands of the Kurdish people via the hunger strike has also created an
important change in the political situation. Until now manipulation by the
government, state sponsored political analysts and the Turkish media had clouded
and put into question the struggle for legitimate demands in the eyes of the
majority in Turkey .
Criminalisation, ridicule and outright threats were used to silence the
demands; and the AKP government’s relations with the important powers of the
west had meant that for the EU and USA and their media outlets, the
Kurdish movement was only composed of an armed wing and violence. The hunger
strike has helped shatter this image of the Kurdish movement as being a
separatist and ‘terrorist’ organisation and one can see from recent articles
and reports that the language and terminology is changing. This will make it
easier for journalists, human rights workers, political activists and NGOs to
report, engage and develop ties and solidarity with the non-violent and legal
arms of the heterogeneous Kurdish movement which is by far the most progressive
political force not just in Turkey but the Middle East in general. The period
of activism for raising awareness about the hunger strike has already created
opportunities for many different organisations and people to come together in
all the European cities. We can even say that the hunger strikes have
strengthened the unity of Kurds from different parts of Kurdistan as the
Kurdish conscience from areas outside of North Kurdistan
has become bound with their brethren.
So what of
the government and opposition political parties in Turkey who are the different sides
to this age-old problem? In the face of such a great resistance and legitimate
demands, the Nationalist Movement Party (MHP) and Republican Peoples’ Party
(CHP), the two opposition parties in parliament apart from the BDP, have only
been able to resort to initially ignoring the hunger strike and then saying
that meeting the demands would create a divide in the Turkish nation-state. The
AKP engaged the MHP by bringing capital punishment (for Öcalan) back onto the
agenda and discussing it for a few days and amused the CHP with quotidian
arguments ranging from the importance of Ataturk for the nation and the
constitutional change relating to the administration of cities (Büyükşehir Yasası).
It was important however to see that both these parties, who are the protectors
of the status quo, could not argue fervently any longer against the legitimate
rights of the Kurdish people.
Concurrently
the AKP government and especially PM Erdoğan, the Justice Minister Sadullah
Ergin and the Vice PM Bülent Arınç, who were the main politicians making
statements about the hunger strike, portrayed the divide or should we say how
‘slippery’ the AKP could be in their politics. While the PM was stating that
the hunger strike was a show and that hunger strikers were eating liver, the
Justice Minister Ergin was giving official figures that 683 people were on
hunger strike and Vice PM Arınç was pleading with them to end the action. This
divided stance highlights the long known fact that the AKP are not homogeneous
regarding their approach to the Kurdish question and its resolution; it also
shows that the PM maybe losing his strong-hold on the party and that the AKP is
weakening from within. But the fact that the hunger strike has ended without
death is also an indication that the AKP has dealt with a crisis which could
have exploded into something much more. This is a positive result for the
government and could be a spring-board to coalesce and draw up a road-map for
the resolution of the Kurdish question using peaceful and political means. The
first step to a new round of negotiations could be a mutual ceasefire. But
before even that can happen the isolation on Öcalan must be lifted and he must
be given permission to meet with his lawyers; not because his life is more
important than the thousands in the mountains and prisons and millions in the
cities, but because they see him as their political will and his freedom as
their freedom.
Epilogue:
We must not forget that hundreds of people put their lives at risk and were
without food for 68 days and that some of these people are still in hospital
recuperating. The hundred or so people who were in the first and second groups
to start the hunger strike will probably have lasting psychological and physical
damage. Unfortunately they are the children of a nation that has had to suffer
many hardships to gain legitimate democratic and national rights. They were not
the first but let us hope that they will be the last. I believe that although
their demands have not been met (yet), with this action they have already
prevented the deaths of thousands by bringing peace and democratisation closer
to us. That is what this hunger strike was demanding: for peace to be given a
chance.
Memed Boran
25.11.2012