For better or worse? The Kurdish hunger strike

It has been just over a week since the 68 day hunger strike of Kurdish political prisoners in Turkey and North Kurdistan ended following an appeal by the imprisoned Kurdish leader Abdullah Öcalan. Since that day everybody concerned with the hunger strike, Turkey, Kurdistan and the region has been debating the gains and losses and possible future developments regarding the Kurdish issue. Most of the debates have been centred and in some ways suffocated around the fact that the hunger strikers’ demands were not met, except a minor change in the constitution which allows for defence in the Kurdish language; although this right can be arbitrarily refused if the judge in court sees fit. The demands were: the right to education in the Kurdish language and for steps to be taken to end the isolation of Abdullah Öcalan and guarantee his health, security and eventual release for a peaceful and political solution to the Kurdish question. So, if the hunger strike did not achieve what it had targeted, why did Abdullah Öcalan call for it to end and why did the hunger strikers, numbering thousands inside and outside prisons, heed his call? The answer to this is where the internal dialectic and struggle methods of the Kurdish movement are hidden and it is why most people including their enemies do not comprehend it. 

The most important trait of the modern Kurdish Freedom Movement which began as the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK) but has now spread to include it, as well as the Kurdistan Communities Union (KCK), the legal Peace & Democracy Party (BDP), and countless other organisations around the world, is its self-sufficiency, ability to determine the political agenda, and the importance it bestows on organising and developing its internal structure among the people. Every single action taken by the organisations listed above is first and foremost aimed at raising awareness and consciousness among the Kurdish people in Kurdistan and around the world. One cannot highlight this enough, and viewing the hunger strike in this light will make it more comprehensible. In this sense the hunger strike was an appeal to the Kurdish people and all democratic circles in Turkey and around the world to lay claim to the demands of the hunger strikers and come out onto the streets to show the government that these were also their demands also. Thus the ensuing meetings, demonstrations, marches, squirmishes with state forces, diplomacy and media coverage have politicized further and given the Kurdish people the necessary organisation and impetus to keep the struggle going for at least another few years, a time-period that is, according to the Kurdish movement, crucial for the freedom of the Kurds in the Middle East.

If we evaluate the hunger strike from a temporal and contextual perspective we can say that it came at a time when the Middle East has become a hot-bed of activity, especially in North and Western Kurdistan. This is a time which the Kurdish movement has determined as being the final stretch of the walk to freedom and a political status in Turkish and Syrian occupied Kurdish areas, which are inextricably linked together due to Turkey’s involvement in Syria. For the first time since Öcalan’s capture in 1999 the summer months had seen an unprecedented escalation in warfare between the PKK’s military wing the Peoples’ Defence Forces (HPG) and the Turkish army. The PKK said they were changing their strategy from ‘hit and run’ to ‘hit and stay,’ and the media black out enforced by the AKP government during the summer months (it now continues regarding Turkey’s involvement in Syria) seemed to reinforce the PKK’s claims that they were in control of large areas of the Kurdish south-east. This gave the Kurdish movement the psychological and political advantage over the AKP but it was not enough to lift the isolation on Öcalan and make the Turkish state and AKP government change their tone and come back to the negotiation table which had been set up in Oslo, but knocked down in 2011 by PM Tayyip Erdoğan, who did not accept the protocols drawn up by Öcalan for a political and peaceful solution to the Kurdish question.

As the winter months neared the initiative passed from the mountains to the cities and legal political sphere. However the ‘KCK arrests’ which began in 2009 and which have until now led to the imprisonment without trial of almost 10,000 Kurdish/BDP MPs, mayors, executives, women’s rights activists, journalists and most of Öcalan’s lawyers had blocked and marginalized the political legal sphere. The AKP government were also doing their best to exclude the BDP as Turkish PM Erdoğan was continuously stating that they were not legitimate interlocutors. It was in this military and political deadlock climate that the hunger strike came onto the agenda, and it was only logical from the perspective of the Kurdish movement that those imprisoned should begin; as had happened in 1982 when the leading cadres of the PKK had gone on hunger strike against the policies of the September 12^th 1980 military coup. It is this act of resistance which is seen as ‘giving birth’ to the modern Kurdish Freedom Movement and resurrecting the Kurdish people. In fact hunger strikes had begun in April and May 2012 in prisons and in Europe even before an escalation to the war, but due to lack of organisation and possible internal disagreements, the hunger strike in prisons had ended soon after starting, whereas the hunger strike of 15 people in Strasbourg lasted 52 days. However this action did not receive any international media coverage nor was it very effective in Turkey and Kurdistan in terms of highlighting the demands of the hunger strikers. It is also important to note that cadres of the Kurdish movement, regardless of where they are, always make it their top priority to remain active within the struggle to prove to their oppressors that they cannot be suppressed. In this sense although it was not one of the demands, a cry for freedom was also one of the messages sent out by the hunger strikers who on a large scale have not even been sentenced yet.

Although I have gone into detail regarding the political context of the hunger strike I think it will make the following points clearer and more understandable. Firstly, due to the hunger strike the Kurdish movement has emphasised once again and this time also to international public opinion, the importance of Kurdish leader Abdullah Öcalan to the peace process. Although his isolation has not been lifted and only his family members are being allowed to visit him, it is evident that state organisations and representatives have met with him recently. Despite not knowing what has been discussed we can surmise that Öcalan is back in the frame and in a stronger position than before. For a week leading Turkish newspapers, journalists and think tanks have been discussing openly Öcalan’s importance as a political player. Some are calling Öcalan the most important politician after PM Erdoğan. Furthermore Öcalan’s intervention to end the hunger strike has also ended the silence of international media regarding his isolation and prison conditions. A rise in Öcalan’s profile will mean that opening the path to peace in the international arena will be easier. Nelson Mandela’s journey to peace is a good example for this. Moreover the Turkish people, who are the majority and who are the key for a peaceful-political solution have seen once again the importance of Öcalan as a bridge between them and Kurdish people; they will have seen that it is Öcalan’s stance which will bring about a peace in which Turkey is not divided. For some the foregrounding of Öcalan is a contentious matter and they believe his position is exaggerated, but after the hunger strike I think there can be no further arguments about his importance, as now the legal political sphere (BDP and democracy forces) have also openly declared him their leader. 

The crystallization of the demands of the Kurdish people via the hunger strike has also created an important change in the political situation. Until now manipulation by the government, state sponsored political analysts and the Turkish media had clouded and put into question the struggle for legitimate demands in the eyes of the majority in Turkey. Criminalisation, ridicule and outright threats were used to silence the demands; and the AKP government’s relations with the important powers of the west had meant that for the EU and USA and their media outlets, the Kurdish movement was only composed of an armed wing and violence. The hunger strike has helped shatter this image of the Kurdish movement as being a separatist and ‘terrorist’ organisation and one can see from recent articles and reports that the language and terminology is changing. This will make it easier for journalists, human rights workers, political activists and NGOs to report, engage and develop ties and solidarity with the non-violent and legal arms of the heterogeneous Kurdish movement which is by far the most progressive political force not just in Turkey but the Middle East in general. The period of activism for raising awareness about the hunger strike has already created opportunities for many different organisations and people to come together in all the European cities. We can even say that the hunger strikes have strengthened the unity of Kurds from different parts of Kurdistan as the Kurdish conscience from areas outside of North Kurdistan has become bound with their brethren.

So what of the government and opposition political parties in Turkey who are the different sides to this age-old problem? In the face of such a great resistance and legitimate demands, the Nationalist Movement Party (MHP) and Republican Peoples’ Party (CHP), the two opposition parties in parliament apart from the BDP, have only been able to resort to initially ignoring the hunger strike and then saying that meeting the demands would create a divide in the Turkish nation-state. The AKP engaged the MHP by bringing capital punishment (for Öcalan) back onto the agenda and discussing it for a few days and amused the CHP with quotidian arguments ranging from the importance of Ataturk for the nation and the constitutional change relating to the administration of cities (Büyükşehir Yasası). It was important however to see that both these parties, who are the protectors of the status quo, could not argue fervently any longer against the legitimate rights of the Kurdish people.

Concurrently the AKP government and especially PM Erdoğan, the Justice Minister Sadullah Ergin and the Vice PM Bülent Arınç, who were the main politicians making statements about the hunger strike, portrayed the divide or should we say how ‘slippery’ the AKP could be in their politics. While the PM was stating that the hunger strike was a show and that hunger strikers were eating liver, the Justice Minister Ergin was giving official figures that 683 people were on hunger strike and Vice PM Arınç was pleading with them to end the action. This divided stance highlights the long known fact that the AKP are not homogeneous regarding their approach to the Kurdish question and its resolution; it also shows that the PM maybe losing his strong-hold on the party and that the AKP is weakening from within. But the fact that the hunger strike has ended without death is also an indication that the AKP has dealt with a crisis which could have exploded into something much more. This is a positive result for the government and could be a spring-board to coalesce and draw up a road-map for the resolution of the Kurdish question using peaceful and political means. The first step to a new round of negotiations could be a mutual ceasefire. But before even that can happen the isolation on Öcalan must be lifted and he must be given permission to meet with his lawyers; not because his life is more important than the thousands in the mountains and prisons and millions in the cities, but because they see him as their political will and his freedom as their freedom.

Epilogue: We must not forget that hundreds of people put their lives at risk and were without food for 68 days and that some of these people are still in hospital recuperating. The hundred or so people who were in the first and second groups to start the hunger strike will probably have lasting psychological and physical damage. Unfortunately they are the children of a nation that has had to suffer many hardships to gain legitimate democratic and national rights. They were not the first but let us hope that they will be the last. I believe that although their demands have not been met (yet), with this action they have already prevented the deaths of thousands by bringing peace and democratisation closer to us. That is what this hunger strike was demanding: for peace to be given a chance.

Memed Boran

25.11.2012

KURDS ARE CELEBRATING MAY DAY IN THE SPIRIT OF NEWROZ

Once again this year Kurds are celebrating May Day in Kurdistan, Turkey and all the capitals of the world, in the spirit of Newroz, the Kurdish New Year. This is because for Kurds, May Day is not just a day for workers and labour, but for the freedom and resistance of all the oppressed nations, classes and ‘others’ of the world; this is why May Day is also a celebration for Tamils, Baloch, Sindhi, Basque, women, students, religious groups and all oppressed peoples.

We are thousands here today from all these nations and groups, in exile, away from our lands, and we are in solidarity with the British working classes, of which we have also become a part of. But we have been made the scapegoats, the unemployed, pushed into menial labour as underpaid service providers of this system, which, in its economic crisis has targeted us more savagely than any other. Millions of people, officially and unofficially have lost their jobs, millions who did not have access to work have had their social security benefits cut, student fees have been tripled, access to housing and basic council services have been eroded, local community funding and services have become almost non-existent, and as the riots last year showed, there is a growing discontent among the working classes, which unfortunately has no political direction, at least not yet.

In Turkey, tens of workers are injured and on average four are killed daily in work related accidents. Some workers, due to their poor working conditions, die a slow death. Workers’ resistance, protest and struggle to gain their rights are attacked brutally by the police and many union members are detained and imprisoned. Workers’ are prevented from joining unions and the AKP government tries to pass laws which make it very difficult for unions to be formed and maintained.

Meanwhile in Kurdistan, military occupation, physical, social, cultural, political and economic genocide continues. On 28^th December 2011 the Turkish Armed Forces, with the use of Israeli and US technology and intelligence, deliberately massacred 34 Kurdish civilians, 19 of whom were children! In the previous months they had massacred a family of 7 in South Kurdistan (Iraq) and used chemical weapons against Kurdish guerrillas, massacring 35. These were milestones in revealing the current denial, assimilation and elimination policy of the Turkish state and AKP government, which for a long time tried to fool everyone that its intention to resolve the Kurdish issue was sincere. Of course not a single whisper was heard from the EU states and USA, the upholders of freedom and democracy in the region about these violations of fundamental human rights.

In Turkish occupied Kurdistan tens of Kurdish people are detained and imprisoned everyday by the fascist AKP government for being Kurdish and struggling for their basic national and human rights. There are 13.000 people imprisoned on terror charges in Turkish prisons, mostly Kurdish. This is 1/3 of all the terror suspects in the world. Among these ‘terrorists’ are 6 Members of Parliament, 36 Mayors, 50 lawyers, 105 journalists, professors, human rights activists, unionist members, women rights activists and over 2000 children! These honourable people also include the socialists and democrats of Turkey, who are in solidarity with the Kurdish people and their freedom struggle. The leader of this freedom struggle, the great revolutionary Abdullah Öcalan, who has been in solitary confinement for 13 years on an island prison in Turkey, has not been given the opportunity to meet with his lawyers for the past 10 months. The ongoing isolation of Mr. Öcalan means that the war will continue and that Kurdish people will have to continue their historical resistance. We believe that without the freedom of Öcalan, similar to that of Nelson Mandela, there can be no solution to the Kurdish question. Öcalan embodies and represents the will and freedom of the Kurdish people but also a new life for the Kurds and other peoples of the Middle East, whom Kurds live side-by-side with.

At a time when the Middle East is experiencing major upheavals and the status quo being challenged, local revolutions are being hijacked by Imperialist forces, who are using Turkey as a base to launch their attacks against the peoples of the Middle East. The Turkish state, like the other dictatorships of the region must be toppled, but this can only be done with the solidarity of all the progressive, anti-state forces in those countries. The Kurds are aiming for an alternative system within Turkey, Iran, Iraq and Syria, which is formulated as Democratic Confederal Kurdistan, is founded on Democratic Socialist principles and rejects the nation-statist structure of the region. This we believe is the way forward for a truly democratic, equal, socialist, united and free Middle East.

This is why on this important May Day, we are saying once again that the struggles of all our peoples, wherever we may be, must serve to free the peoples of our countries, regions and the world; this can only be achieved by forming a democratic-ecological-equal society, outside of the state structure, which bases its principles around democratic socialism and a political and moral existence. May Day 2012 is the perfect day for coming together with all the workers, women, oppressed peoples, students and revolutionary groups who dream of a free and better world.

Long Live May Day! Biji Yeke Gulane! Yaşasın 1 Mayıs!

FED BIR – Kurdish Federation in the UK – fedbir@gmail.com

Halkevi – Kurdish Turkish Community Centre - halkeviuk@gmail.com  

KCC – Kurdish Community Centre - kurdscentre@gmail.com

THE KURDISH FREEDOM MOVEMENT & KURDISTAN: A VERY BRIEF HISTORY

This text was written originally for a youth magazine published in London.

The history and existence of Kurds and Kurdistan goes back thousands of years and has existed in different forms and under different names, but the Kurdish ‘problem’ can be traced back to 1639 when Kurdistan (The land of the Kurds) was divided between the Ottoman and Safavid-Persian Empires. Although there were no nation-state structures at that time, Kurds lived quite independently under autonomous chieftainships and gave taxes and occasionally soldiers to the central power they lived under. However this divide created the first fracture and separation in Kurdish culture and identity. The similarities between Persians and Kurds (they are deemed cousins since their joint existence in the Medean Empire) softened the blow culturally but the separation was still felt strongly on a religious and political level. The seeds of the tensions between Alevi/Shia and Şafi/Sunni Kurds can be found here; as the Safavid Empire was predominantly Şia/Alevi whereas the Ottoman Empire Şafi/Sunni, they both used the Kurdish populations living under their rule against one another. As we will see often through Kurdish history, Kurdistan has been the site of historic battles and Kurds have been the victims or sacrifice in struggles between hegemonic powers and the classic policy of divide and rule has been implemented many times.

            

There were many Kurdish rebellions during the last 100 years of the Ottoman Empire, but these mostly remained local up until and including the Koçgiri (1920), Şeyh Said (1925) and Dersim (1938) rebellions which were just before and in the first years of the Turkish Republic (formation 1923). These rebellions all had a Kurdish character and some called for Kurdish national independence, but they were quickly and mercilessly defeated before they could gain momentum and mass support. It is not a coincidence that they occurred following the 1923 Treaty of Lausanne, which formed the basis for the formation of the Turkish state and excluded all the other peoples’ living within the borders of Turkey. The Treaty of Sevres in 1921 had actually included autonomy for Kurds but during the next two years the unionist and nationalist wing of the Turkish National Movement gained strength and excluded the Kurds who had thus far been involved in the provisional Turkish Parliament and struggle for independence. The words ‘Kurd’ and ‘Kurdistan’ had been used many times in Parliament by Mustafa Kemal (Ataturk) himself. The Treaty of Lausanne also separated Kurdistan once more and this time into four pieces. As with 1639, the Kurds and Kurdistan, almost 300 years later became the biggest losers and sacrifice in a war fought between the rulers of the world. Kurdish existence, especially in Turkey and Syria was now illegal and would be crushed whenever and wherever it rose its head.

            

In later years The Kurdish Republic of Mahabad (1946) declared autonomy in the Iranian region but it was short lived as the Soviet Union withdrew its support within a year of its formation and its leader Qazi Muhammad was executed in 1947 by Iran. Kurds living under Iraqi occupation also gained autonomy in 1970 but became targets and victims in the war between Iraq and Iran in the 1980s; and were subjected to genocidal policies in Halabja and Anfal where thousands of Kurds were gassed to death by the Iraqi army. Their autonomy was strengthened in 1991 after the Gulf War and they became a federal entity with the Iraq Constitution of 2005, giving them greater freedoms from the central government. However unfortunately this happened with the 2003 invasion of Iraq which lead to the death of over a million people.

            

The modern Kurdish National Movement’s seeds were sewn from the 1950s onwards as many Kurds became introduced to socialist and national liberation movements. This momentum gained pace after 1968 as the need for separate Turkish and Kurdish organisations became clear; the Turkish left saw the Kurdish question as a secondary matter to the wider revolution in Turkey, but Kurds began questioning this ideological and practical stance because the needs of Kurds were not being met. When the first generation of Turkish revolutionaries were massacred by the Turkish state, many Kurds who had been organised in Turkish left movements broke away. Abdullah Ocalan and his friends, who had been influenced by the likes of Deniz Gezmiş and Mahir Çayan, also began organising at this juncture. Their thesis was that Kurdistan was a colony being exploited by the Turkish, Iranian, Iraqi and Syrian states and also other foreign powers who were in turn exploiting these other states. After several years of working and organising as a small group these cadres founded the PKK (Kurdistan Worker’s Party) in 1978 and began an armed resistance first against Kurdish feudal lords and then the Turkish state in 1984. In between these two dates was the important resistance shown by many leading PKK figures in Diyarbakir prison; the likes of Mazlum Doğan, Kemal Pir, Mehmet Hayri Durmuş and others either immolated themselves or were martyred in hunger strikes and became symbols of resistance against the September 12^th 1980 coup and also for the resurrection of Kurds and Kurdistan.

            

Over the years and especially towards the end of the 80s the PKK began gaining mass support from the Kurds in North Kurdistan (Turkey), South West Kurdistan (Syria) and Europe. Thousands of young Kurds, men and women, began joining the guerrilla forces; Kurds aligned with the PKK began organising in workers’ unions, forming their own political parties, cultural centres and publishing newspapers; in short the Kurdistan Freedom Movement began infiltrating all spheres of life and became a mass peoples’ movement. To counter this the Turkish state tried many different tactics, from 17,000 extra-judicial killings to burning 4,000 villages and staging massive military operations against the PKK; which ended in the death of over 40,000 people on both sides.

             

There were two attempts at peace in the 1990s; first with Turkish President Turgut Özal and then with Prime Minister Necmettin Erbakan. Both were cut short in mysterious circumstances and the fighting intensified and continued until 1999 when PKK leader Abdullah Öcalan was kidnapped in an international conspiracy carried out by the CIA and Mossad and handed over to Turkey. The attempts by Öcalan for a peaceful solution had begun in 1993, and in fact he had spoken of a solution within Turkey’s borders as far back as1988, but after 1999 these attempts intensified. Öcalan saw the aim of the international conspiracy as trying to begin a civil war between Kurds and Turks; so he began a process which would change his own, the PKK’s and also the Turkish state’s approach to the issue of Kurds and Kurdistan. For this he has written more than 10 books on the island prison of Imrali, including a road-map for the resolution of the Kurdish question. These books form the foundations for a democratic autonomous system in North Kurdistan and the other parts of Kurdistan in which there is a bottom-up organisation of society based around democratic socialist ideals, gender equality and ecology.

            

In the past few years a dialogue had begun between Öcalan, the PKK and the AKP government/Turkish state for a political peaceful solution to the Kurdish question, but it has turned out that this was nothing more than delay tactics. During that time over 8000 pro-Kurdish and Kurdish MPs, mayors, lawyers, intellectuals, academics, journalists and children have been imprisoned as part of the KCK (Union of Communities in Kurdistan) case. Furthermore Öcalan, who is the most important figure for negotiations, and has been in solitary confinement for 13 years, has not been seen by his lawyers for 8 months.

            

As I write this over 1,000 people in Turkish prisons, in Kurdistan and Europe are on indefinite hunger-strike and are calling for the freedom of Öcalan and a political status for Kurdistan. In essence they are trying to open the blockaded path for a political and peaceful solution to the Kurdish question before the snow melts and fighting resumes between the PKK and Turkish state forces, which will lead to more bloodshed and enmity on both sides. But also they want to make that sure that the Kurds are not the victim and sacrifice once again at a time when the balance of the region is changing.


April 2012

Memed Boran

Abdullah Öcalans’ resistance and a reply

Kurdish Peoples’ Leader Abdullah Öcalan refused to see his brother Mehmet Öcalan at the island prison of Imrali today (January 19th). It was the first time Mehmet Öcalan had been allowed by the Turkish Ministry of Justice to travel to Imrali since October 12th 2011. It has been even longer since Öcalan’s lawyers were allowed see him, the last visit to the maximum security prison which is known as ‘Europe’s Guantanamo’ was on July 27th 2011; making it six months of total isolation for the Kurdish Leader. In a message passed on to Mehmet Öcalan via the prison authorities, Abdullah Öcalan was reported to have said: ‘The situation is very delicate here. It is not appropriate for us to accept the visit.’

            Those who have experience or know of prison life will be aware that refusing visits from family members and lawyers is a form of resistance against the injustices of prison authorities and the state. One can say that Öcalan has refused the visit to disarm the state and end the blackmailing campaign they have been carrying out against himself, the Kurdistan Freedom Movement and Kurdish people by preventing his family, lawyers and the Kurdish people from getting news from Imrali. In essence Öcalan has said to the state, ‘you cannot use my situation here as a tool for blackmail, if I am not going to conduct useful meetings in which I have information regarding developments, then there is no point.’

            Undoubtedly the AKP government and Turkish state will use this as an excuse and claim that Öcalan is in self imposed isolation. However the news that the Ministry of Justice refused a request from Öcalan’s lawyers (yes there are still some on the outside!) on the grounds that the boat wasn’t working at the same time Mehmet Öcalan and the relatives of two other prisoners were travelling to Imrali on that specific boat will falsify this claim. This also reveals once again that the isolation of Öcalan is arbitrary and a political decision by the AKP government.

            The current situation is also reminiscent of the 1980s; the prison resistance of leading PKK members such as Mazlum Doğan, Kemal Pir, Mehmet Hayri Durmuş and ‘The Fours’ lay the foundations for the modern Kurdish National Movement. At a time when mass arrests continue raising the number of Kurdish political prisoners to around 15,000 it seems the resistance behind the walls of Turkish colonialism will this time lay the foundations for the ultimate freedom of Kurds and Kurdistan.

A couple of hours after Mehmet Öcalan returned from Imrali a bomb went off in Colemerg (Hakkari) city centre; killing a sixteen year old and wounding fifteen other people. The police began attacking bystanders after the explosion. As is well known Colemerg is at the heart of Kurdish movement (the BDP won 90% of the vote in recent elections) and has been targeted by paramilitary groups who have been threatening civilians and creating provocations around the city. An Islamist group calling themselves Mezit also circulated leaflets there recently threatening people who had ties to the Kurdish movement. The PKK had warned of provocative incidents in the city and asked people to be wary. According to the PKK, Mezit is the new name of JITEM and an instrument of the Turkish deep state. The Turkish media have already claimed that the bomb attack targeted a police vehicle, however Hakkari province governor has said in a statement that the police vehicle veered off the road and lost control, leading to three police officers being injured.

Therefore can we ask: is this attack the latest reply against Abdullah Öcalans’ and Kurdish peoples’ resistance?


Memed Boran


19.01.2012

http://firatnews.com/index.php?rupel=nuce&nuceID=56668

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The Poetry of Mehmet Altun

(THE) WIND! 

-I-

I, (The) Wind!
Knocking on agitatedly closed doors
Swaying on sails, whirring on branches, am coming

I, (The) Wind!
Threatening your windmills, am coming
A purpose to your light, a maturity to your fight, am coming
I am coming from the North
From the traps you were caught in
To carry honey to the essence of an unripe fruit
I am coming to become the voice of an ant in the dark, the desire of fire in the light

A tornado in a wave, a hiss in a song, frost in the winter say you
But I, I am perpetually overcoming a forbidden place

-II-

I, (The) Wind!
Know the moisture of the green, sky green farms
The legend of the Mediterranean stone, and the chill of the fire in Rome 

I, (The) Wind!
In penetrating rain, staring at a wet lover
Know the loneliness, that seeps into the tears of the eye and love
I am coming from the West
Knowing the chateaux’s that a thousand struggles seeds fed
The Renaissance of crime and punishment, the Reform of believing
The wall and the truths of the mind, is from where I’m coming
From the tragedy of a crown wet by Nero’s tears
Arenas, the savageness of lions
                                                                the women of revolution I know

Youth in Paris, history in Rome, the struggle in Istanbul say you
But I, I am perpetually coming from a love that destroys an era in fury 

-III-

I, (The) Wind!
Know all the directions of the world
Beyond the clouds, the rain, the sea I know

I, (The) Wind! I am coming from the South
From inside the consolation you find yourself
Passing between the breasts of a virgin
Through the sweat violating her
From the dark courtyard of an ancient temple I am coming

A storm in the sea, a blizzard in the snow, a thunderstorm in the dust say you
But I, I am perpetually coming from a love that flows to itself 

-IIII-

I, (The) Wind!
The cool of the balcony becomes my body
Through the sleep of the sun, not the night İ pass

I, (The) Wind!
Saw the waters steps, fishes in a thousand colours
My journey took me to the root of belief
I am coming from the East
The earth of the land you worship
From seventh heaven, the mud roof of Babel, I am coming
The flute of Tammuz I know, the hoof of the young goat grazing
The sadness of a mother with no milk
                                                                The chest of a lamb still hungry I know

Or that the first god was a shepherd
And that it stood at the volcano pit of the Upper Sea also

A curse on a mountain, a voice at the window, the boreas in spring say you
But I, I am perpetually coming from the place where a thousand faiths become one

Translation from Turkish Mehmet Aksoy

Ereternity –

                                                        Bring me two rivers born of pain

I swam in two rivers
Two fountains, flowed like two eyes
Two tongues gripped me, two embroidered kerchiefs, two fruit trees…
This is why I was born in Kurdish, why I love the universe in Turkish
My mother, for this reason
Is still a single coffee grain
A temple who’s door has never seen a lock
No pauper has been refused, no lamb hungry for milk

Now
When the season opens to spring, it says the winter is war
It says the dead of winter
You will know from the burnt forest
You will know, that the spring is the house of the mushroom and blackberry
That before the crop wilts you will be satisfied by the lands gift
And chasing after partridge…
Trout, carp and…
You will be satisfied
By the smell of wild flowers, a neighbour’s tea
If the kernel flows, the grain’s ear pulls, the hour is evzel than the coin

It says;
-You recognise the winter, autumn is the birth’s midwife for this reason
And threshing the birth house
My mother I say, is Kurdish for this reason or
Kurdish my mother…

If crying, is the sibling of laughing
Every lifetime has a season, every language a garden
My tongue that carves love like a carpenter, my lover a calligrapher
You are not the land that feeds me, but the land I make love to
I say my lover, my lover for this reason
If I still sweat in your nights, still a city-dweller of sorts
Like a house sitting, or accepting an address
My lover I say, is Turkish for this reason or
Turkish the woman I love
This is why I say, the two faces of my identity
I carry two photograph’s within me, two times the tales…

They took me to two rivers
I chose two plains, two enclosed river basins…
Two ocean smells, two waves brought me up
I held two hands
With one I grew, with the other I multiplied
İf I still live each season twice
One is for my mother the other for my lover
If I multiply one life with two
It is for love and for birth, I know
My Kurdish, is my birth; my Turkish, is my love I say

Translation from Turkish by Mehmet Aksoy

Ereternity: The original name of the poem “Evzel” is a word made by the poet  from the words Evvel (before- ere)-Ezel (eternity) which means both, “ereternity is the word made up for the translation.

The elegant dissidence of Leyla Zana

Today the Turkish Parliament began its new legislative season for the 24th term with an opening speech by the President Abdullah Gül. The President covered a wide range of issues in his opening speech, ranging from ‘terror to uhhh terror.’ However attention was centred on the oaths to be taken by Peace and Democracy Party (BDP) MPs who had been boycotting Parliament since the election on June 12th. The boycott had begun because six of the elected MPs supported by the Labour, Freedom & Democracy Bloc were not released from prison, one, Hatip Dicle had his MP mandate revoked and mass arrests of BDP members  were ongoing. The reasons for the BDP’s boycott stand, MPs are still imprisoned and arrests continue; 11 in Istanbul last night. So why did the BDP return to Parliament?

I believe the answer is hidden in the oath read out by the Kurdish MP for Diyarbakir Leyla Zana. How? you ask. The oath is a set text and the same as everybody else’s, the same oath was taken by the MPs of the Nationalist Movement Party (MHP) and Justice & Development Party (AKP), so how is the answer for the return hidden in the oath? Let me start from the beginning.

Much can be said about Leyla Zana, many ‘radical’ adjectives have often been used to describe her; courageous, crazy, provocateur, militant and many more, both in a positive and negative sense. An adjective that has never been used however is elegant, and I wish to use it now, for the first time: the elegant Leyla Zana. I use this adjective both because of my experience in her presence, but more so because of her humanity, political style, speech, gait and dissidence during her personal and political history through the Kurdish struggle. Leyla Zana is elegant in a way only a Kurdish woman can be elegant; spare in dress, walking with a purpose, her feet firmly on the ground, her gaze timid yet proud, she speaks piece by piece lucid and clear, when she laughs or cries she can make the whole world laugh or cry.

Leyla Zana’s history is also the history of the Kurdish woman, bound up in thousands years of tradition, but also, the modern Kurdish Freedom Movement of the past 50 years as well, which has changed many things. Married against her will at 14 in accordance with tradition to well known Kurdish politician Mehdi Zana in 1975, the young Leyla learnt how to read and write on her journeys to and from prison. The September 12^th military coup had imprisoned thousands of Kurdish revolutionaries, politicians and even religious figures and with them the whole of Kurdish society. Leyla Zana was one of many women who came to the vanguard of the Kurdish movement during this period to continue their imprisoned fathers’, brothers’ and husbands’ struggle and become their comrades. It was one of the darkest times in Kurdish history but the resistance against it pierced the darkness that had enveloped society to set the Kurdish struggle on its way to Kurdish freedom.

The intense struggle, resistance and organisation of the 80s reached its pinnacle in the early 90s and the state could no longer ignore the existence of the Kurds as they entered the Turkish parliament for the first time with their identities intact since the formation of the Turkish Republic. Leyla Zana became the first Kurdish woman MP following the 1991 election and it was in that year that she rose to prominence in Kurdish and Turkish politics. She created a scandal when she marched up to and stood at the pulpit with a headband made up of the Kurdish colours; green, red and yellow and spoke Kurdish on the floor of the parliament after being sworn in. Speaking Kurdish in the public arena was then considered a criminal offence in Turkey. Her remarks ended;

              

I swear by my honour and my dignity before the great Turkish people to protect the integrity and independence of the State, the indivisible unity of the people and homeland, and the unquestionable and unconditional sovereignty of the people. I swear loyalty to the Constitution. I take this oath for the fraternity between the Turkish and Kurdish people.

Only the final sentence of the oath was spoken in Kurdish: ‘‘I take this oath for the fraternity between the Turkish and Kurdish people.’’ Anyone who has seen the footage of this incident will have seen hundreds of Turkish ‘men’ banging their hands on benches to silence Zana and Zana’s defiant eyes and voice rising against the fascist crescendo of sounds. When I asked her a few years ago how she felt that day, Leyla Zana looked at me intently, her eyes moistened, she smiled and then kissed me on the forehead, like a mother kisses her child. I understood how alive the moment still was and how difficult it had been for her.

On that historical day the Turkish parliament were forced by the dissidence of Leyla Zana to acknowledge the existence of the Kurdish language, colours and also woman. Leyla Zana and her comrades paid the price for this by being stripped of their immunity and were sentenced to 15 years in prison for treason and being members of the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK). At the sentencing Zana continued her resistance, looking directly into the eyes of the judge and speaking piece by piece she declared;

              

This is a conspiracy. What I am defending is perfectly clear. I don’t accept any of these accusations. And, if they were true I’d assume responsibility for them, even if it cost me my life. I have defended democracy, human rights, and fraternity between peoples. And I’ll keep doing so for as long as I live.

Leyla Zana went to prison in 1994 and was released 10 years later. She was nominated for the Nobel Peace Prize in 1995 and 1998 and awarded the Sakharov Prize by the European Parliament in 1995 during that time.

Now in 2011 Zana is back at the Turkish parliament, in her own words ‘more mature and prepared’ and this time to bring about a lasting peace to the Kurdish issue. But the elegant dissidence of Leyla Zana continues; today when taking her oath, dressed smartly in black with matching headband, rather than saying ‘The Great Turkish People,’ Zana said, ‘The Great People of Turkey,’ thus promising that she will represent not just the Turks but also all the other peoples of Turkey as well. This is a different variation of her 1991 oath and also a sign of the change in the Kurdish Movement’s strategic and ideological stance which aims to be the driving force in the democratisation of Turkey as well as freedom of Kurdistan. This is where the answer to our question at the beginning lies. The BDP are back in parliament to continue the democratic struggle in the legal sphere despite all the attacks and marginalisation but also more importantly to gnaw away at all the inconsistencies, injustices and inequalities from within the ‘monster’s stomach.’ With fearless, intelligent, diligent, beautiful and elegant women like Leyla Zana, Sebahat Tuncel and Gültan Kışanak the Kurdish Movement can maintain its revolutionary fervour and continue being the vanguard for a democratic society.

Memed Boran

01.10.2011

For more information and sources:

http://www.biyografi.net/kisiayrinti.asp?kisiid=4730

http://siyaset.milliyet.com.tr/zana-dan-turkiye-milleti-aciklamasi/siyaset/siyasetdetay/01.10.2011/1445547/default.htm

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Leyla_Zana

‘Oslo 5’ A Peace Leak?

Since the ‘Oslo 5’ audio leak (Sept 13^th) of the meeting between the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK)/Union of Communities in Kurdistan (KCK) leaders Sabri Ok, Mustafa Karasu, Zubeyir Aydar, former Turkish Intelligence Oranisation (MIT) Deputy Undersecretary Afet Güneş and Undersecretary of the Prime Ministry at the time and current MIT head Hakan Fidan, the public opinion constructors of Turkey have been hard at work trying to make sense of the 47 minute recording. Who recorded it? Who leaked it? When and where was it recorded? Why was it leaked? Who will benefit? The questions and answers continue coming, hard and fast. But let’s first rewind the tape to a few months earlier.

Neither the PKK/KCK nor the Justice and Development Party (AKP) rejected the meeting(s), and how could they? The PKK/KCK had already hinted on several occasions that they were meeting with the state directly and not just through imprisoned PKK/KCK leader Abdullah Öcalan, who had been conducting meetings with a state committee since 2010. The AKP accepted the meetings with Öcalan, but made the distinction that it was ‘the state’ that was conducting these meetings and not ‘the government.’ This was understandable during the run-up to the 2011 general election as the opposition Republican Peoples’ Party (CHP) and Nationalist Movement Party (MHP) began accusing the AKP of treason and collaboration with the PKK, which if it had stuck might have meant a loss of votes for the AKP amongst its nationalist-conservative support. In reflex the AKP even took its rhetoric as far as claiming that if they had been in power in 1999, when Abdullah Öcalan was caught and handed over to Turkey, they would have carried out the capital punishment, which the MHP, who had been in a coalition government at the time, hadn’t done. This threatening rhetoric caused consternation amongst the Kurdish community and Kurdish politics and Öcalan continued his wary approach regarding the meetings at Imrali, saying that he wasn’t sure if the AKP wanted a democratic resolution or wanted to eliminate the PKK/KCK by using him. Eventually he stated that the AKP had not accepted the three protocols drawn up during negotiations and that the PKK and the state were exploiting him and not doing what was needed of them for a peaceful solution. This was on July 27^th 2011; Öcalan hasn’t been seen by lawyers or family since then, though he has the right to one hour and half hour weekly meetings with lawyers and family members respectively.

Initially discussion around the leak centred on who could have leaked it and why. Because the leak first appeared on the Dicle News Agency (DIHA) website, which is ‘close’ to Kurdish politics, with the title ‘the hidden face of meetings will ruin Erdoğan,’ fingers pointed to the Kurdish side and PKK. The first reaction was that the PKK had done this to weaken the hand of the AKP before the Turkish military’s cross-border operation into South Kurdistan (North Iraq.) However a few hours after the leak was posted on their site DIHA announced that they had been hacked and the audio recording put on the site without their permission. Then the recording appeared on Vimeo and other sites as well, which it could have been uploaded on initially. Was DIHA targeted because of their proximity to the Kurdish side? It seems likely and well calculated because the initial response by the parties that could have shown an adverse reaction didn’t. The MHP perceived it as trying to prevent the cross-border operation and declared that this should not deter the AKP from military measures. The CHP were critical of the AKP for not accepting the occurrence of the meetings and lying to the public during the elections, but the feared public or party backlash did not occur.

The MIT began an investigation into the matter after allegations that it could have been someone or a group within the organisation, in conjunction with MOSSAD, who may have leaked it to weaken the position of Hakan Fidan, appointed head of MIT after a brief stint as Undersecretary of the Prime Ministry. The Prime Minister Tayyip Erdoğan immediately made a statement on his way from Egypt to Tunisia to support Fidan and it was later reported that reinforcements would be appointed to MIT to consolidate Fidan’s position. The fact that the Prime Minister was quick to defend Fidan and then talk of reinforcements hitting headlines raises question marks that have not been dispelled yet. Israel’s possible involvement was interpreted as retaliation against the flotilla crisis and the strengthening of the AKP in the Middle East. With the leak coming at a time when the Prime Minister was on a tour of the ‘Arab Spring’ countries was further proof of this according to some. If this was the aim, Israel haven’t been very successful, but it could be a first warning to the AKP. According to ‘journalist’ Emre Uslu Israel intended to leak the recording during the election to dent the AKP’s campaign but opted against this as it would have the opposite effect amongst Kurds because the recording proves that the AKP were pushing for a solution whereas the PKK were sabotaging it. However it would be wise to state that Mr Uslu is mistaken because the PKK had not begun retaliatory attacks until after the elections and that the Turkish military had killed over 50 PKK guerrillas during April, May and June. So if the recording had been leaked during the election campaign it would have probably caused a greater stir for the AKP and would have strengthened the Peace and Democracy Party (BDP) and the Kurdish Freedom Movement in general, because Kurdish public opinion was aware of the meetings with Öcalan. The AKP's tone hardened following the Silvan attack (July 14th) in which 13 soldiers were killed. On the same day the Democratic Society Congress (DTK) declared 'Democratic Autonomy' and both these incidents combined gave the AKP the much needed excuse to officially end the dialogue process, though it had evidently ended with the victory of the BDP in the general elections and the clarification of Kurdish demands during the meetings with Abdullah Öcalan. The much abused rhetoric of 'the Kurds do not know what they want,' was put into circulation immediately after this to obscure the aggressive policy of the AKP and put the blame on the Kurdish side.

Meanwhile the Union of Communities in Kurdistan (KCK) also rejected involvement in the leak and openly stated that whoever had leaked the recording did not have good intentions. However they accepted the meetings and said that they were being conducted in order to reach a peaceful and democratic solution to the Kurdish issue, which they had always favoured. Although the meetings had developed to a certain degree, the monist, oppressive and aggressive approach of the AKP and the rejection of the protocols by the government had ended the meetings they added. The BDP also approached the leak positively and called for talks to be held openly with both Öcalan and also the PKK/KCK. They highlighted the fact that their had not been an uproar and that public opinion had reacted favourably for a more concrete peace process to begin.

The AKP once again kept true to their earlier rhetoric and said that it was the state that had conducted the meetings and not the government. However some analysts and journalists were quick to point out that Hakan Fidan had participated in the meeting as the representative of the Prime Minister and clearly stated this during the meeting on numerous occasions, as could be discerned from the recording. This places the recording in the first months of 2010 when Fidan was the Undersecretary of the Prime Ministry and not yet head of MIT. The AKP have tried to shadow this fact and most of the media have obligingly helped them. The meetings have been projected as being between the MIT and PKK and not a government representative and the PKK where an MIT agent is also present and there is a representative (facilitator) from an unnamed European country, who has a British English accent. This is a significant detail that needs to be highlighted if the peace process is to develop any time soon because as is evident from other similar peace processes it is not an abstract entity such as ‘the state’ that takes responsibility for such issues but concrete ‘governments’ that have majority support and can wield the correct instruments to further the process. The AKP government for some reason are shying away from assuming direct responsibility. Some may say it is fear of a backlash from nationalist/conservative circles but this is not a believable excuse anymore because it hasn’t materialised, and also because the AKP are constantly claiming that they are still behind the democratisation process. Moreover the AKP’s use of this argument is unsettling in that it implies that state organs such as MIT are meeting with PKK/KCK officials not to develop a solution but to create the basis for elimination. In a sense this is why the opposition parties CHP and MHP are not opposing this policy. This is also the reason why the PKK/KCK have been wary in their dealings with state organs because they believe that this is the case. One can say that to overcome this deadlock the AKP must claim direct responsibility for the meetings and abandon their current conspiratorial tone.

Contrary to the conspiratorial tone of the AKP, the tone of Hakan Fidan during the ‘Oslo 5’ meeting is positive and respectful. The approaches of Sabri Ok and Mustafa Karasu are also constructive and because of the previous meetings they have had the dialogue between Afet Güneş and the PKK/KCK representatives is at times playful and witty. Fidan brings news from Abdullah Öcalan and comments on his physical and mental health and also praises Öcalan’s intellectual capacity. He calls Öcalan ‘Mr Öcalan,’ which is ironically considered a crime in Turkey for which people are still in prison. It can also be discerned from the recording that MIT have been passing on notes between Öcalan and the PKK/KCK and that the government was placed in a quandary following the ‘Habur incident’ when peace groups arrived from the Qandil mountains and were freed illegally by prosecutors after their entrance. Afet Güneş blames the PKK/KCK representatives for the lack of organisation they showed and they in turn raise the argument that they couldn’t disclose to the Kurdish people that the peace groups had arrived in agreement with the government. The unexpected celebrations which ensued were interpreted by Turkish nationalist circles as a victory celebration for the PKK and a campaign against Kurds began, leading to lynching in some places. According to the recording and later developments it is clear that the ‘Habur incident’ didn’t end meetings and negotiations.


Towards the end of the recording both parties begin discussing concrete steps that need to be taken for a solution. They complain to each other about the mistakes that have been made; Afet Güneş mentions the killing of 7 soldiers in Reşadiye, and Sabri Ok talks of continuing military operations. It is clear however that the PKK/KCK want steps to be taken immediately regarding the teaching of Kurdish language in schools and release of political prisoners, whereas the government/MIT say that they can only do so much in a certain space of time and that public opinion isn't ready and cannot be rushed. We do not know whether there was an 'Oslo 6,' however the leak shows that both parties had moved onto concrete negotiations.

The key moments in the recording arrives when Hakan Fidan states that PM Erdoğan is 90 – 95% in agreement with Abdullah Öcalan regarding a solution. So what has happened since early 2010 that conflict and arrests have exacerbated? Why weren’t the protocols negotiated at Imrali between Öcalan and the state committee accepted by the AKP? The PKK kept to their promise of a ceasefire through the summer of 2010 up until the summer of 2011. These ceasefires were extended by Öcalan on two occasions, however as mentioned before the military operations of the Turkish Armed Forces continued and ended in the deaths of over 50 PKK guerrillas. There were also nine civilian deaths in Hakkari in September 2010 and the death of three Kurdish children as well as the continuation of mass arrests and police attacks against civilians. The release of Muslim fundamentalist Hezbol-kontra militants who had carried out hundreds of killings of Kurdish patriots in the 1990s on behalf of the deep state organisation JITEM was also viewed as a threat by the Kurdish movement. All these incidents combined created a mistrust which was evident in all the statements made by Öcalan, the BDP and PKK/KCK. However the Kurdish side continued their good-will until July 27^th, when Öcalan declared that he was removing himself from negotiations.

The two weeks that have elapsed since the leak has been an eventful and tragic period of time to say the least. Mass arrests of BDP politicians and members has resumed in many cities across the Kurdish region resulting in over 100 arrests in two weeks, totalling an amazing 1,356 arrests in six months. Amongst these were Şırnak Mayor Ramazan Uysal, Silopi Mayor Emin Tuğurlu, Idil Mayor Resul Sadak and Silopi District Mayor Bahattin Alkış who were arrested for attending meetings, reading press releases and other flimsy charges. These latest arrests come after the claim by Haberturk, a national newspaper, that security forces have a list of 1,500 people who they are going to arrest. It is reminiscent of the former Prime Minister Tansu Çiller’s list of politicians and businessmen who were later killed or imprisoned for aiding the Kurdish cause and carries very bad memories for the Kurdish people. The Kurds have labelled the arrest of over 3,000 BDP politicians and members as political genocide and a hostage-taking situation instigated by the AKP. These are people who have not participated in violent activity and indeed there have been no weapons confiscated during police raids. So why are these political detainments and arrests being carried out? Is this proof that the AKP want to eliminate the Kurdish opposition? Liberal commentators are struggling to fathom why this is happening and although they are criticising the mass arrests, they are not pointing the finger at the AKP despite knowing that they are being carried out by the Gulen Jamaat dominated police force. One could argue that this is the nature of peace processes for the more powerful party, which is generally the state, and that on one side they negotiate and on the other they ‘try to pull the carpet out from under their opposition.’ This is what they AKP are attempting to do and the Kurdish side are trying to keep their feet firmly on the ground.

However this is too much of a contradiction and even some MP’s within the AKP have voiced their concerns regarding the arrests and the collapse of the democratic political sphere. Deputy Prime Minister Bülent Arınç commented that Şırnak Mayor Ramazan Uysal would rather go to the mountains than to prison for 8 and a half years for a bulletin he read. This is also the case for thousands of other people who are faced daily with the threat of long term imprisonment. With these mass arrests the state is doing nothing but opening the path of the mountain and armed warfare rather than legal political struggle, which is requisite for the conflict to end. The latest statement by Prime Minister Erdoğan following his arrival from the UN Council in New York was that the government would combat ‘terror’ and negotiate with the political will of the people, which in this case is the BDP. However this cannot happen as long as arrests continue and is a clear indication of the insincerity of the Prime Minister. As he has done many times before the PM Erdoğan is once again attempting to weaken the BDP by offering them a hand after he has knocked them down. This ploy to weaken the BDP and force them to take the oath in Parliament is a continuation of the policy that was put into practice following the election; six of the BDP’s elected MP’s were not released from prison and one of them (Hatip Dicle) had his MP mandate revoked and was replaced by an AKP candidate.

Military operations continued alongside police operations during the past two weeks and there was conflict in several areas of Kurdistan. The Peoples’ Defence Forces (HPG) carried out attacks against police officers and military headquarters in Diyarbakır and Siirt which led to the death of six soldiers and three guerrillas according to state figures. The most harrowing incident occurred also in Siirt as HPG guerrillas mistook six civilian women in a car for civilian police officers and attacked the car. Four of the women were killed and two wounded. The HPG apologised for the incident and sent their condolences to the family’s of the victims and said they were carrying out a thorough investigation. What is interesting is that some liberal and conservative writers and journalists are now comparing the PKK to JITEM, the deep-state organisation which carried out the extrajudicial killing of at least 17,000 Kurdish civilians. The obvious difference that these writers are missing is that the HPG accepted responsibility for its mistake and apologised, whereas the existence of JITEM has still not been accepted by the state and their killing-machine not been brought to justice. Moreover the four women who were killed were all Kurdish and also sympathisers of the Kurdish cause. This matter is of some contention, especially when considered together with the death of four Kurdish men (due to a HPG attack) who were also actively involved in the Kurdish struggle in Batman, whether certain groups within the HPG are getting false intelligence and being misdirected to carry out such attacks. It is evident that the PKK/KCK have no gain from this but they are still responsible for shedding some light on the incident.

The incident in Siirt was followed by the bomb explosion in Ankara which killed three civilians. The Kurdistan Freedom Falcons (TAK) claimed responsibility and warned of further attacks if the isolation of Abdullah Öcalan and attacks towards to the Kurdish people didn’t cease. Once again despite accusations against the PKK/KCK, the KCK Executive Committee issued a statement which condemned the action against civilians and said it was damaging the legitimate struggle of the Kurdish people and denied any relations with TAK. The KCK went as far as saying that the policies of the AKP were a mirror of the attacks by TAK and that the government was provocating TAK into taking uncontrolled action which would damage the joint future of the Kurdish and Turkish people.

From this information and analysis it can be seen that the leak has objectively contributed and developed the peace process despite certain parties trying to use it as evidence of the PKK sabotaging it. Once again it has also made it evident that the AKP government are implementing a policy to weaken and eventually eliminate the Kurdistan Freedom Movement. Detainments and arrests in the legal political sphere, the isolation of Kurdish leader Abdullah Öcalan, continuing military operations in Turkey and the threat of a cross-border operation which the Prime Minister has once again confirmed shows that the meetings between the PKK/KCK and government/MIT officials were geared towards prolonging the process so that the AKP could reconsolidate its power in the 2010 referendum and then 2011 general election, which they did. Collaboration with Iran, consultations between Foreign Ministry Undersecretary Feridun Sinirlioğlu and Iraqi authorities as well as Kurdish Regional Government President Massoud Barzani, and agreements with the USA regarding Predator drones is sufficient evidence to show that the AKP will lead one last military attack to marginalise the PKK/KCK. However if previous forays into South Kurdistan (North Iraq) are anything to go by, they will not be very successful. According to Wikileaks reports the cross border operation into Zap in 2008 ended with the death of 150 soldiers. The Turkish state had claimed that only 10 soldiers had died, whereas the PKK’s figures were closer to the Wikileaks report. This will be an unjustifiable loss of life and it will only lead back to square one; and that is the negotiation table. (Correction: According to Wikileaks reports 10 PKK guerrillas were killed. The Turkish state claimed they had killed 150 fighters, whereas PKK figures were similar to Wikileaks. Conversely the PKK claimed 117 soldiers had died in the 'Sun Operation' into Zap and the state said the figure was 24. Whatever the real figures many young men died.) Already Bülent Arınç has stated that meetings with top PKK/KCK officials may continue, albeit with different names than the ones mentioned above. But once again his tone was not sincere and he said something along the lines of ‘we will try to influence and use them.’ This approach will not be accepted by the Kurdish Movement neither will it be accepted by the Kurdish people. If a long lasting solution is to be attained then it will need a just peace, where the Kurdish people receive all their rights as a people. The constitution will need to change substantially to guarantee these rights and the formation of a ‘Committee of Wise Men’ and ‘Truth and Reconciliation Commission’ will need to be formed to end the conflict. Any other approach will only lead to resistance on behalf of the Kurdish people and conflict and war. The Kurdistan Freedom Movement are struggling for a just peace, whereas the AKP only want to continue their domination of Turkish politics and prolong their stay in power. For the process to resume negotiations between all parties, and all circles within society need to continue in a transparent manner, the isolation of Öcalan must cease and all military operations and attacks must stop on both sides. Then the talking can begin.

There are other issues which also need to be addressed and which have been speculated and discussed in length in the Turkish media, such as the nationality of the ‘facilitator,’ where the meetings were held, whether the recording was spliced together from different meetings etc. However these are secondary to the issue at hand, and that is whether the peace process can be continued with the current approach of the Turkish state and AKP government which is now dominating the state structure. 

Note:   The KCK is a larger organisation that also harbours the PKK.

            The HPG is the armed wing of the PKK.


Memed Boran
25.09.2011


For further information and sources:

http://www.hudson-ny.org/2432/bdp-signals-boycott-end

http://www.haberanaliz.net/detay.asp?hid=86236

http://www.birgun.net/actuels_index.php?news_code=1316439885&day=19&month=09&year=2011

http://www.haberturk.com/gundem/haber/670679-mit-pkk-kayitlarini-sizdiran-devlet-israil

http://firatnews.com/index.php?rupel=nuce&nuceID=49968

http://firatnews.com/index.php?rupel=nuce&nuceID=50237

http://bianet.org/bianet/siyaset/132839-alti-ayda-1356-bdpli-tutuklandi

http://firatnews.com/index.php?rupel=nuce&nuceID=50237

http://siyaset.milliyet.com.tr/erdogan-kurt-kokenli-annelere-seslendi/siyaset/siyasetdetay/25.09.2011/1442960/default.htm

http://bianet.org/english/minorities/130951-elected-mp-dicle-barred-from-parliament

http://www.milliyet.com.tr/batman-da-mayin-patlamasi-4-kisi-hayatini-kaybetti/turkiye/sondakika/01.08.2010/1270943/default.htm

http://firatnews.com/index.php?rupel=nuce&nuceID=50250

http://www.haberler.com/pkk-gorusmeleri-surebilir-3014597-haberi/

http://www.haberler.com/pkk-gorusmeleri-surebilir-3014597-haberi/

http://www.trt.gov.tr/trtworld/en/newsDetail.aspx?HaberKodu=5eb21727-e40b-42bb-9916-b9b99af373d9

http://www.huffingtonpost.com/2011/09/11/us-predator-drones-tukey_n_957558.html